Back The Last Days of John Lennon
Chapters (91)
  1. Cover
  2. Title Page
  3. Dedication
  4. Prologue
  5. Chapter 1
  6. Chapter 2
  7. Chapter 3
  8. Chapter 4
  9. Chapter 5
  10. —
  11. Chapter 6
  12. Chapter 7
  13. Chapter 8
  14. Chapter 9
  15. Chapter 10
  16. Chapter 11
  17. Chapter 12
  18. Chapter 13
  19. Chapter 14
  20. Chapter 15
  21. Chapter 16
  22. Chapter 17
  23. Chapter 18
  24. —
  25. Chapter 19
  26. Chapter 20
  27. Chapter 21
  28. Chapter 22
  29. Chapter 23
  30. Chapter 24
  31. Chapter 25
  32. Chapter 26
  33. Chapter 27
  34. Chapter 28
  35. —
  36. Chapter 29
  37. Chapter 30
  38. Chapter 31
  39. Chapter 32
  40. —
  41. Chapter 33
  42. Chapter 34
  43. Chapter 35
  44. —
  45. Chapter 36
  46. Chapter 37
  47. Chapter 38
  48. Chapter 39
  49. Chapter 40
  50. Chapter 41
  51. Chapter 42
  52. Chapter 43
  53. —
  54. Chapter 44
  55. —
  56. Chapter 45
  57. Chapter 46
  58. Chapter 47
  59. Chapter 48
  60. Chapter 49
  61. Chapter 50
  62. Chapter 51
  63. —
  64. Chapter 52
  65. Chapter 53
  66. Chapter 54
  67. Chapter 55
  68. Chapter 56
  69. Chapter 57
  70. Chapter 58
  71. Chapter 59
  72. —
  73. Chapter 60
  74. —
  75. Chapter 61
  76. —
  77. Chapter 62
  78. —
  79. Chapter 63
  80. Chapter 64
  81. Chapter 65
  82. Chapter 66
  83. Chapter 67
  84. —
  85. Chapter 68
  86. —
  87. Notes
  88. —
  89. ABOUT THE AUTHORS
  90. Photos
  91. Coming Soon

Six months after Dean wrote that memo, US senator Strom Thurmond answers with one of his own. On February 4, 1972, in his capacity as a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Thurmond—a Nixon loyalist who represents South Carolina, one of the Bible Belt states caught up in the August 1966 “Beatles bonfires” controversy—forwards to Attorney General John Mitchell a report he’s overseen for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee.

“This appears to me to be an important matter, and I think it would be well for it to be considered at the highest level,” the senator writes. “As I can see, many headaches might be avoided if appropriate action can be taken in time.”

The report’s chief finding: that John Lennon qualifies as one of said political enemies and that his association with “New Left leaders” links him to these “strong advocates of the program to ‘dump Nixon.’”

And the “political machinery” available to “screw” him? “If Lennon’s visa is terminated, it would be a strategy counter-measure,” Thurmond recommends.

John and Yoko’s original six-month visas are set to expire on February 29, 1972. They are granted a two-week extension, but Yoko hasn’t been able to reunite with her daughter. Even though on March 3 yet another court determines that Yoko has custody, Kyoko’s father, Tony Cox, has once again taken the girl and vanished. “It was terrible. I didn’t know where she was. It was a kidnapping and a very difficult situation,” Yoko recalls.

On March 6, Thurmond is notified that his “previous inquiry concerning the former member of the Beatles, John Lennon” has been looked into, and “the Immigration and Naturalization Service has served notice on him that he is to leave this country no later than March 15.”

At the urging of John’s business manager, Allen Klein, Leon Wildes, the thirty-nine-year-old president of the American Immigration Lawyers Association, takes on the case. Though he has “never heard of John Lennon, much less Yoko Ono,” Wildes is confident that he can reverse the canceled extension of his clients’ visas, and on March 16 the US immigration authorities grant them four additional weeks.

But Wildes has the sense that “they were out to get John and Yoko from the first moment I got into the case.”

Ever since Nixon first opened it, in 1969, John’s FBI file has been growing. When John spoke on the 6:00 p.m. edition of WABC-TV’s Eyewitness News on January 11 about a press conference where he, Yoko, and Jerry Rubin appeared, a special agent amended his event report to the special agent in charge of the New York FBI office with the urgent notation “All extremists should be considered dangerous.”