Back Brother Number One Save as PDF
Chapters (28)
  1. Title Page
  2. Preface
  3. Acknowledgements
  4. CHAPTER ONE - Introduction
  5. Who Was Pol Pot?
  6. The First Year in Paris
  7. Joining the Viet Minh
  8. CHAPTER FIVE - “Red Khmer,” 1963—1970
  9. CHAPTER SIX - Coming to Power, 1970—1976
  10. CHAPTER SEVEN - Prairie Fire, 1976-1977
  11. Pol Pot in China and North Korea
  12. CHAPTER NINE - “Grandfather 87,” 1979—1998
  13. Chronology
  14. Appendix 1: - Non Suon’s Biography of Pol Pot
  15. Appendix 2: - Khmer Personnel at “Office 100,” 1963—1966
  16. Notes
  17. Chapter One
  18. Chapter Two
  19. Chapter Three
  20. Chapter Four
  21. Chapter Five
  22. Chapter Six
  23. Chapter Seven
  24. Chapter Eight
  25. Chapter Nine
  26. Interviews by Author
  27. Index
  28. Copyright Page

40 See “Statement of Comrade Pol Pot,” January 5, 1979; Sihanouk, Prisonnier des khmers rouges, pp. 316—320; and Chanda, Brother Enemy, p. 302. Sihanouk later told James Pringle, “I was mesmerized. I knew [Pol Pot] was mad, but I couldn’t stop listening” (author’s interview with Pringle, February 1991). In 1990 Sihanouk told the Indochina specialist Philippe Devillers that “there are two charismatic people in Cambodia: Pol Pot and I” (Devillers, personal communication).

41 Phandara, Retour à Phnom Penh, p. 186. See also Picq, Au delà du ciel, pp. 151-153; and Chanda, Brother Enemy, pp. 316-317, 344ff. Ieng Sary, who left on the same train, reached the Thai border, without shoes, on January 11 and Beijing three days later. Pol Pot’s immediate destination is not known. He probably fled to Thailand with Nuon Chea.

Chapter Nine

1 See William Shawcross, The Quality of Mercy (London, 1984).

2 The most detailed account of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea so far is Michael Vickery, Kampuchea (London 1984), which is favorable to the regime. See also Vairon, “Du Parti Communiste Indochinois,” pp. 272 ff.; and Viviane Frings, Le paysan cambodgien et le socialisme (Paris, 1997). Evan Gottesman’s work in progress should provide a valuable analysis of the period.

3 For details, see Chanda, Brother Enemy, pp. 348ff. Although ASEAN convened meetings throughout the 1980s to deal with the “Cambodian problem,” its first official condemnation of DK occurred in February 1990. See Patrick Raszelenberg and Peter Schier, The Cambodia Conflict: Search for a Settlement (Hamburg, 1997), p. 299.

4 François Ponchaud, Cambodia: Year Zero (New York, 1978). Noam Chomsky and Edward Hermann, After the Cataclysm (Boston, 1979) includes a sustained attack on Ponchaud’s findings, which have stood up better than those of Chomsky and Hermann, as far as the Red Khmers and their policies are concerned. On the metamorphosis of S-21, see Judy Ledgerwood, “The Cambodian Tuol Sleng Museum of Genocidal Crimes: National Narrative,” Museum Anthropology 21 (Spring-Summer 1997): 83—98.

5 On the statistics of regime-related deaths in Democratic Kampuchea, see Michael Vickery, “How Many Died in Pol Pot’s Kampuchea?” BCAS 22 (1988); and Marek Sliwinsky, Une analyse demographique du genocide des khmers rouges (Paris, 1994). See also Office of the Vice President of Democratic Kampuchea in Charge of Foreign Affairs [Khieu Samphan], “What Are the Truth [sic] and Justice about the Accusations against Democratic Kampuchea of Mass Killings from 1975 to 1978?” (n.p., July 1987); and Heder, Khieu Samphan and Pol Pot. Khieu Samphan’s tendentious document admits to fewer than 3,000 deaths as a result of DK “mistakes,” while 30,000 were falsely put to death by “Vietnamese agents”; another 11,000 were killed justifiably because they were Vietnamese agents. In 1980, the text asserts, “about 1.5 million died, victims of Vietnamese aggressors.” The dogmatic hauteur of this document, amateurishly translated from French, suggests that it is vintage Khieu Samphan. In his interview with Nate Thayer in October 1997, Pol Pot referred approvingly to this document when he was asked about the magnitude of deaths under Democratic Kampuchea.