Chapters (28)
- Title Page
- Preface
- Acknowledgements
- CHAPTER ONE - Introduction
- Who Was Pol Pot?
- The First Year in Paris
- Joining the Viet Minh
- CHAPTER FIVE - “Red Khmer,” 1963—1970
- CHAPTER SIX - Coming to Power, 1970—1976
- CHAPTER SEVEN - Prairie Fire, 1976-1977
- Pol Pot in China and North Korea
- CHAPTER NINE - “Grandfather 87,” 1979—1998
- Chronology
- Appendix 1: - Non Suon’s Biography of Pol Pot
- Appendix 2: - Khmer Personnel at “Office 100,” 1963—1966
- Notes
- Chapter One
- Chapter Two
- Chapter Three
- Chapter Four
- Chapter Five
- Chapter Six
- Chapter Seven
- Chapter Eight
- Chapter Nine
- Interviews by Author
- Index
- Copyright Page
29 See Chandler, Kiernan, and Boua, eds. and trans., Pol Pot Plans the Future, pp. 177—216; and David P. Chandler, ”A Revolution in Full Spate“ (which discusses the speech), in David Ablin and Marlowe Hood, eds., The Cambodian Agony (Armonk, N.Y., 1987), pp. 165-179. The passage echoes Stalin’s charge in 1933 that the ”capitalists ... have managed to make their way into our Party,“ and Mao’s similar statement, in 1976, that ”the bourgeoisie is right inside the Communist party“ (citations from Jeremy Paltiel, ”The Cult of Personality: Some Comparative Reflections on Political Culture in Leninist Regimes,“ Studies in Comparative Communism 16, 1, 2 [Spring-Summer 1983]: 49-64).
30 Chandler, Kiernan, and Boua, eds. and trans., Pol Pot Plans the Future, p. 183.
31 Ibid., p. 204.
32 See Koy Thuon’s confession, which appears to have been culled after 1979. Vickery, Cambodia, 1975-1982, pp. 148-149. Many confessions from 1977 refer to the prisoners’ acquaintance with ”Khuon.“ Perhaps, as with Hou Youn in 1975, Koy Thuon’s popularity was seen as a threat to Pol Pot, who seems to have been more comfortable with people like Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, and Ieng Sary, who had no power base outside the Central Committee. Ta Mok, with his powerful southwestern zone network of clients, would be the exception that proves the rule.
33 Hu Nim later claimed that at a more restricted gathering soon after, Pol Pot revealed the names of four men executed at S-21. Three of them (Chhuk, Chakrei, and Ly Phen) had links with the eastern zone (Chandler, Kiernan, and Boua, eds. and trans., Pol Pot Plans the Future, p. 303). See also Picq, Au delà du ciel, pp. 99-100. Those purged at this time, Picq wrote, ”were people whom I knew and had admired.“
34 Bruce Palling’s interview with Chhit Do is corroborated in Chanda, Brother Enemy, p. 83. In April 1977 a week-long uprising broke out in Chikreng, Siem Reap. It was put down with heavy casualties. The uprising probably convinced Pol Pot that the party had genuine enemies in the region. See Thach Keo Dara, ”Une révolte de la population,“ Sereika 28 (September 1978): 7-8; Kampuchea Dossier II, p. 65; and Vickery, Cambodia 1975—1982, pp. 126-127.
35 Chandler, Voices from S-21, Chapter 3; Becker, When the War Was Over, p. 250; Picq, Au delà du ciel, p. 104. Siet Chhae’s confession refers to ”measures taken in the north“ by the organization in February 1977. In April, Siet Chhae himself was ”gathered up“ by the organization.
36 Interview with a Cambodian official (October 1990). See also the confession of Ket Chau (Sem) (March 1977); Chhim Samauk’s confession; the confession of Chou Chet (Si); and author’s interview with You Sambo. Ket Chau, a thirty-four-year-old from Kompong Cham, was forced to confess to five years of botched assassination attempts against Pol Pot. According to a former DK official who prefers anonymity, Pol Pot was housed in a compound with Nuon Chea and other high-ranking officials in 1975-1977 but moved to a secret location by himself in the middle of 1978. The official added intriguingly that in his opinion Nuon Chea and Pol Pot ”cordially detested one another.“