Back Weird
Chapters (46)
  1. Title Page
  2. Copyright
  3. Dedication
  4. BEING WEIRD
  5. Weird
  6. Todd, Part I
  7. The Realization
  8. Daniel, Part I
  9. Julia, Part I
  10. Beverly, Part I
  11. Jess, Part I
  12. The Exclusion
  13. Jess, Part II
  14. Emma, Part I
  15. Asma, Part I
  16. The Sting
  17. Emma, Part II
  18. Vivienne, Part I
  19. Alex, Part I
  20. THE WEIRD ADVANTAGE
  21. Creativity
  22. Truth
  23. Alex, Part II
  24. Julia, Part II
  25. HOW TO BE DIFFERENT
  26. Getting Support
  27. Julia, Part III
  28. Comfort with Discomfort
  29. Beverly, Part II
  30. Asma, Part II
  31. Better Than the Rest
  32. The Big Picture
  33. Daniel, Part II
  34. Deana, Part I
  35. Vivienne, Part II
  36. Emma, Part III
  37. Change Yourself
  38. Todd, Part II
  39. TO STAY DIFFERENT, OR TO FIND YOUR OWN KIND?
  40. Staying
  41. Leaving
  42. In Between
  43. Deana, Part II
  44. Acknowledgments
  45. Discover More
  46. Notes

In 2017, three psychologists led by Zachary Hohman of Texas Tech University recruited 152 people to take a fake personality test. The participants hailed from all political parties, races, and education levels, but they were all Americans. The test arbitrarily told each participant their personality type was more similar to the typical American or more similar to the typical French person.

The Americans who were told they resembled the French felt much more uncertainty about themselves, their futures, and their place in the world. They were then more likely to answer that they “agree” with statements like “I feel that I am not really the person that I appear to be” and “Even if I wanted to, I don’t think I would tell someone what I’m really like.”

To a typical, red-blooded American, something about being told they resemble a Frenchman must be very unsettling indeed.194 “When people are made to feel that they lack fit within their group, they question who they are,” Hohman and his coauthors wrote.

Other studies have shown that when people—say, honors students or sorority members—are told that they’re very different from the other members of their group, based on personality tests, they will more heartily embrace the stereotypes associated with that group, such as “hardworking” or even “superficial.” Told that they do not fit in, people will do anything to try to prove that yes, they really do.195

Feeling excluded can be so painful, in fact, that people will turn to terrible alternatives to avoid it. Researchers are increasingly finding that the roots of various kinds of terrorism and radicalization lie in the rather banal sensation of feeling cut off from your social circle.

In the wake of the 2015 Paris terror attacks, the economist Thomas Piketty wrote an op-ed in Le Monde in which he argued that “only an equitable model for social development will overcome hatred”—suggesting,196 in essence, that economic equality is the key to extinguishing the global terrorist threat. Efraim Benmelech, an economist at Northwestern University, read the article and decided to investigate whether economic inequality really does drive terrorism. Benmelech looked at the number of fighters flowing in to join ISIS from countries other than Syria and Iraq. What he and his coauthor, Esteban Klor, found197 was very peculiar: rather than coming from economic backwaters, ISIS fighters were pouring in from supposed democratic-socialist utopias. The countries that yielded the most ISIS fighters, relative to their total Muslim populations, were Finland, Ireland, Belgium, and Sweden.