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Contents ( 51)
  1. Roberto Calasso
  2. Contents
  3. Note for Lucien
  4. Living in the Torrent
  5. Exempla Voluptatis
  6. The Grand Ball
  7. Treacherous Trifles
  8. Dismal Glory
  9. “The Mysterious Force of Legitimacy”
  10. Arcana Imperii
  11. The Origins of Sweetness
  12. Eulogius
  13. L’Autrichienne
  14. The Woodcutter and the Fisherman
  15. Goethe in Venice
  16. On Taste
  17. Metamorphoses of Style
  18. A Belated Nostalgia for Sorrow
  19. The Languor of a Park in Berry
  20. Around Port-Royal
  21. The Ruin of Kasch
  22. Among the Ruins of Kasch
  23. Elements of Sacrifice
  24. Law and Order
  25. The Forest Doctrine
  26. Archives and Will-o’-the-Wisps
  27. Postcards from the Quaternary
  28. The Demon of Repetition
  29. Goethe’s Birthday
  30. Sacrificial Crumbs
  31. The Antiromantic Child
  32. Limits
  33. Process
  34. Glosses on Marx
  35. Ricardo’s Ruthlessness
  36. Geldkristall
  37. History Makes Experiments
  38. The Artificial Barbarian
  39. Un frisson nouveau
  40. Behind the Glass
  41. Bien-aimé
  42. A Visit to Picpus
  43. “The Organization Wouldn’t Like That”
  44. The Moscow Doorkeeper
  45. Montaigne’s Wake
  46. The Wolf-Man Recalls
  47. Voices from the Palais-Royal
  48. Mundus Patet
  49. Letter from Saint Petersburg
  50. Notes
  51. THE BEGINNING

If the profane—i.e., the profaner—devours what is sacred, then sacred and profane will merge in an entirely new way that makes it impossible, from then on, to separate them.

At one time, only the incommensurable had value. Now value alone is measurable, whereas nature, which has no value, is once again incommensurable.

Democracy: to extend to everyone the privilege of access to things that no longer exist.

The inevitable political choice that is offered today: to be governed by money or by informers? Oh, how much more amiable and lax is money …

The founding notion of all liberalism has an air of great moderation, and is summed up in a few lines jotted down by Victor Hugo in 1830, an auspicious year for moderate liberalism: “The republic, in my view, is when society is sovereign over society; protected by the national guard; judged by juries; administered by communes; governed by an electoral college.”637 What could be more obvious, convincing, straightforward? Hence the surprise, the helpless consternation when, in the next century, society finally became “sovereign over society” and immediately discovered that it wasn’t a democracy or a republic, as Hugo had hoped, but an experimental theocracy, whose first priestly engineers were called Lenin and Hitler. Many others followed, more inclined to corporate anonymity. All this seems to come from an untested mental mechanism where the word sovereignty carries behind it the whole panoply of gods. And, if the gods can no longer be named, it would carry behind it only the Inquisition in the name of God, which is now the name of sovereignty itself. A disillusioned sovereignty cannot exist, in the same way that arithmetic cannot not contain undecidable propositions. The whole political future depends on such a theory of sovereignty, which is still a long way from appearing evident, convincing, and well defined.

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