Back Brother Number One
Chapters (28)
  1. Title Page
  2. Preface
  3. Acknowledgements
  4. CHAPTER ONE - Introduction
  5. Who Was Pol Pot?
  6. The First Year in Paris
  7. Joining the Viet Minh
  8. CHAPTER FIVE - “Red Khmer,” 1963—1970
  9. CHAPTER SIX - Coming to Power, 1970—1976
  10. CHAPTER SEVEN - Prairie Fire, 1976-1977
  11. Pol Pot in China and North Korea
  12. CHAPTER NINE - “Grandfather 87,” 1979—1998
  13. Chronology
  14. Appendix 1: - Non Suon’s Biography of Pol Pot
  15. Appendix 2: - Khmer Personnel at “Office 100,” 1963—1966
  16. Notes
  17. Chapter One
  18. Chapter Two
  19. Chapter Three
  20. Chapter Four
  21. Chapter Five
  22. Chapter Six
  23. Chapter Seven
  24. Chapter Eight
  25. Chapter Nine
  26. Interviews by Author
  27. Index
  28. Copyright Page

By dramatically increasing rice harvests throughout Cambodia, Pol Pot hoped the country would produce 26.7 million tons of paddy over the lifetime of the plan, recreating what he assumed had been the state-directed plenitude of Angkorean times. Massive irrigation works, it was thought, would make these developments feasible. About half of the production was to be kept aside for seed, food, and “reserves and welfare.” The exported surplus would earn $1.4 billion in foreign exchange. The income, in turn, was to be used to purchase farm machinery, tools, fertilizer, and insecticide to increase agricultural production. Roughly two-thirds of the income was to be redirected to the zones producing the rice, with the remainder held in reserve for national priorities. Defense expenditures were expected to reach $37 million over four years, with the southwestern and northwestern zones, bordering Thailand, receiving $23 million of that figure. At a later stage, additional foreign exchange would be used to finance industrial development.11

Unfortunately, paddy production was much lower in 1976-1977 than expected, particularly in the northwest, where most of the reserves intended to feed the people were designated as surpluses by beleaguered cadre and taken to unknown destinations. Some of the rice was exported to China. By the end of 1976, most “new people” in the northwest were badly undernourished. The situation deteriorated in 1977, when thousands more starved to death while others became ineffective because of illness and insufficient food. Reports of these conditions took time to reach the “Higher Organization,” and since disagreement with the organization amounted to treason, the reports were never critical of the plan or its framers. Instead, the news transmitted up the line was always good, causing false optimism at the top even as rice production faltered and rural workers died.12

More than half the tables in the Four Year Plan referred to the rice campaign. Other crops—such as jute, corn, coconuts, tobacco, and cotton—were mentioned but received less emphasis. After all, the income these crops would produce ($29 million) was barely 2 percent of the income expected to be earned from rice. In general, those portions of the plan that did not deal with rice seem hastily written and poorly conceived. The text, it seems, was tailored to fit the priorities of the party’s leaders, who had placed their bets on rice.