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Chapters (28)
  1. Title Page
  2. Preface
  3. Acknowledgements
  4. CHAPTER ONE - Introduction
  5. Who Was Pol Pot?
  6. The First Year in Paris
  7. Joining the Viet Minh
  8. CHAPTER FIVE - “Red Khmer,” 1963—1970
  9. CHAPTER SIX - Coming to Power, 1970—1976
  10. CHAPTER SEVEN - Prairie Fire, 1976-1977
  11. Pol Pot in China and North Korea
  12. CHAPTER NINE - “Grandfather 87,” 1979—1998
  13. Chronology
  14. Appendix 1: - Non Suon’s Biography of Pol Pot
  15. Appendix 2: - Khmer Personnel at “Office 100,” 1963—1966
  16. Notes
  17. Chapter One
  18. Chapter Two
  19. Chapter Three
  20. Chapter Four
  21. Chapter Five
  22. Chapter Six
  23. Chapter Seven
  24. Chapter Eight
  25. Chapter Nine
  26. Interviews by Author
  27. Index
  28. Copyright Page

April 17 people were not allowed to vote, and the 250 candidates were named from slates of peasants, soldiers, and workers rather than from particular districts. The job attributions of some figures were bizarre, as when Khieu Thirith and Yun Yat called themselves “Phnom Penh factory workers.” Representing “rubber workers” was an otherwise unidentifiable figure, Pol Pot, soon to be named prime minister of Democratic Kampuchea.

Although Saloth Sar is known to have used the pseudonym “Pol” in the 1950s, and was using it again in 1975 when he convened meetings of the Central Committee, no pre-1976 references to “Pot” have come to light, and the election announcement marked the first public appearance of “Pol Pot” as a person and as a name. It is unclear how thoroughly his colleagues in the party had been prepared for the new man or for Saloth Sar’s disappearance. In Paris, Pol Pot’s old friend Thiounn Prasith told supporters of the new Cambodian regime that “Pol Pot” had been born along the Vietnamese frontier, had fought against the Japanese, and had worked in the Memot rubber plantation. While it is tempting to view this explanation as an attempt to throw people off the trail, it is possible that Prasith, without better information, was fabricating the biography. More likely, he had been given the cover story without being told the truth. In that case, it is intriguing that Sar chose to provide details of his life not known to many—such as his time on the eastern border in 1953-1954 and his two years as a semihostage of the Vietnamese in Office 100, adjoining the plantation at Memot—while concealing his original name and his activities as leader of the Cambodian Communist party. The new name was probably chosen to hide Saloth Sar and to celebrate a rite of passage. In 1977 the Cambodian ambassador in Beijing told a visitor that “Comrade Pot has always used that name; Comrade Saloth Sar perished during the war.”56

It is baffling but consistent for Saloth Sar to assume a pseudonym at precisely the moment when he might have been expected to step into the open, using his own name or a revolutionary one that ordinary people would have known (like “Ho Chi Minh”). None of the other members of the government would take new names at this time, although they did not reveal their nonrevolutionary ones. Pol Pot’s fondness for obscurity may have sprung from a conscious drive to build a humble, bleached persona, like Stalin’s or Ho Chi Minh‘s—men who forsook everything, including their personalities, for the revolution. “Pol Pot” was a personification of the revolution, a revolutionary name (like “Ho” or “Stalin”) without a personal past.

The People’s Representative Assembly met in mid-April 1976, approved the new government of Democratic Kampuchea, and dissolved sine die.57