Back Brother Number One
Chapters (28)
  1. Title Page
  2. Preface
  3. Acknowledgements
  4. CHAPTER ONE - Introduction
  5. Who Was Pol Pot?
  6. The First Year in Paris
  7. Joining the Viet Minh
  8. CHAPTER FIVE - “Red Khmer,” 1963—1970
  9. CHAPTER SIX - Coming to Power, 1970—1976
  10. CHAPTER SEVEN - Prairie Fire, 1976-1977
  11. Pol Pot in China and North Korea
  12. CHAPTER NINE - “Grandfather 87,” 1979—1998
  13. Chronology
  14. Appendix 1: - Non Suon’s Biography of Pol Pot
  15. Appendix 2: - Khmer Personnel at “Office 100,” 1963—1966
  16. Notes
  17. Chapter One
  18. Chapter Two
  19. Chapter Three
  20. Chapter Four
  21. Chapter Five
  22. Chapter Six
  23. Chapter Seven
  24. Chapter Eight
  25. Chapter Nine
  26. Interviews by Author
  27. Index
  28. Copyright Page

In the middle of 1969 Sihanouk renewed diplomatic relations with the United States, alienating what little radical support he had retained. He may have hoped that the Americans would provide military aid to turn his army into an effective force and prevent the Vietnamese Communists from encroaching further on Cambodian territory. No such aid was forthcoming. Instead, the new American president, Richard Nixon, had another game plan for the Khmer.

Nixon was committed to withdrawing American troops from Vietnam. To protect this operation he agreed to proposals from his military commanders in Saigon that U.S. B-52 aircraft commence bombing Vietnamese Communist bases and troop concentrations inside Cambodia. News of this bombing, which began in March 1969, was kept from the American people. Whether Sihanouk had authorized it or accepted it as a fait accompli remains unclear. In any case, it continued for more than a year, with over three thousand raids against Cambodian targets. In the eastern part of the country the bombing turned many young men and women into revolutionaries. Between 1968 and 1970, estimates of guerrillas under arms more than doubled; by 1970, some four thousand Cambodians were confronting Phnom Penh’s better-armed, but not especially competent, army. Another effect was that Vietnamese forces moved deeper into Cambodia to avoid the bombing. Step by step, Cambodia was entering the Indochina war.

Prime Minister Lon Nol and his ambitious deputy, Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, supported the bombing campaign. Both men wanted Vietnamese forces to leave Cambodia. In public, Sihanouk and the Vietnamese maintained the charade that the bases were not there. In private they pretended that their alliance remained in force, even as Sihanouk’s armed forces, under Lon Nol, attacked Red Khmer and, through them, the Vietnamese. In some areas by early 1970, Red Khmer guerrillas under Vietnamese command were fighting Lon Nol’s forces. The United States and North Vietnam, in effect, were waging war on Cambodian soil. Sihanouk’s neutralist policy was in tatters. The game he had played since 1955 was lost. Sirik Matak and Lon Nol began plotting to overthrow him.35

Saloth Sar Travels North

“Toward the end of 1969,” reveals the Livre noir, “a delegation of the Communist party of Kampuchea left for Hanoi for discussions with the Vietnamese party.” Before leaving, Sar handed his headquarters camp over to Nuon Chea. Several confessions from S-21 corroborate Sar’s departure, but none suggests why he took the trip or whose idea it was. It is unlikely that he left Cambodia without being summoned by the Vietnamese, who may have wanted to consult with him about the next phase of the war and the growing hostility they faced from Cambodian government forces. It is also possible that Sar wanted to use this opportunity to ask for help for his guerrillas. Since he would have made the trip on foot, the visit was probably not connected with Ho Chi Minh’s funeral in October 1969.36