Back Brother Number One
Chapters (28)
  1. Title Page
  2. Preface
  3. Acknowledgements
  4. CHAPTER ONE - Introduction
  5. Who Was Pol Pot?
  6. The First Year in Paris
  7. Joining the Viet Minh
  8. CHAPTER FIVE - “Red Khmer,” 1963—1970
  9. CHAPTER SIX - Coming to Power, 1970—1976
  10. CHAPTER SEVEN - Prairie Fire, 1976-1977
  11. Pol Pot in China and North Korea
  12. CHAPTER NINE - “Grandfather 87,” 1979—1998
  13. Chronology
  14. Appendix 1: - Non Suon’s Biography of Pol Pot
  15. Appendix 2: - Khmer Personnel at “Office 100,” 1963—1966
  16. Notes
  17. Chapter One
  18. Chapter Two
  19. Chapter Three
  20. Chapter Four
  21. Chapter Five
  22. Chapter Six
  23. Chapter Seven
  24. Chapter Eight
  25. Chapter Nine
  26. Interviews by Author
  27. Index
  28. Copyright Page

10 See Kiernan, HPP, pp. 156ff.; author’s interview with Thiounn Mumm; and Non Suon’s confession (September 1976). Mumm met Keo Meas in East Berlin in 1951. The Pracheachon Group was founded in early 1955. U.S. Embassy Phnom Penh, Telegram 57, February 3, 1955, refers to new directorate of Democrats as a “left-wing element strongly permeated by Communist taint.”

11 From author’s interview with Chhay Yat (February 1990). Yat claimed that at this time Saloth Sar was a “humanitarian” rather than a hard-line Communist.

12 From author’s interviews with Keng Vannsak, Thonn Ouk, Sim Var, and Thiounn Mumm. See also Non Suon’s confession; and Philippe Preschez, Essai sur le democratie an Cambodge (Paris, 1961), pp. 57ff.

13 See Khemara, December 22, 1954 (Michael Vickery’s notes).

14 See Neak Cheat Niyum (The Nationalist), October 18, 1955—a month after the election (Michael Vickery’s translation).

15 For details, see Kiernan, HPP, pp. 159ff. See also Great Britain, Public Records Office, FO 371/117126-117127, reports from British Legation in Phnom Penh, 1955; and author’s interviews with Keng Vannsak (November 1986) and Thonn Ouk (May 1987).

16 Justin Corfield (personal communication) examined the original (not microform) copies of Cambodge in this period and discovered that the first published results of the election showed that the Sangkum had lost five seats. Before the edition was circulated, these results were “corrected” to a unanimous victory by pasting a slip of paper with other figures over the original results. Nuon Chea, “History,” wrote of the 1955 elections that those who voted for the Pracheachon were “arrested and imprisoned and their wives had to sell rice and land to find the money to get their husbands released. Some people had their stomachs cut open and their eyes stabbed with bayonets.”

17 Pol Pot, “Long Live the 17th Anniversary of the Communist Party of Kampuchea,” speech delivered September 29, 1977 (English translation; Chicago, 1977), p. 22. Steve Heder has pointed out that these “repressive tools” were supposedly to be swept aside by the revolution. See also Vorn Vet’s confession, pp. 3-5, where he stated that the results of the election “demoralized” him.

18 See author’s interviews with Lim Keuky (November 1997), Chea Samy (October 1990), Suon Kaset Sokho (June 1990), Chheam Van (November 1987), Pel Nal (January 1990), and You Sambo (July 1989). Some sources asserted that Ponnary was a dedicated revolutionary; others doubted that she was ever a party member. Siet Chhae in his confession said that Ponnary brought him into the Cambodian Communist party in 1959.

19 From author’s interview with You Sambo (July 1989). The phrase s’aat s‘om also cropped up in my interview with Ith Sarin (November 1988), when he spoke of his admiration for Cambodian radicalism in the 1960s. The term was also used to describe the uncorrupted Communist society promised by the revolution (see Tiv Ol’s confession, 1977). S’aat s‘om translates into French as propre (Alain Daniel, personal communication).