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Chapters (58)
  1. Cover
  2. Also by Oliver Harris
  3. ONE
  4. TWO
  5. THREE
  6. FOUR
  7. FIVE
  8. SIX
  9. SEVEN
  10. EIGHT
  11. NINE
  12. TEN
  13. ELEVEN
  14. TWELVE
  15. THIRTEEN
  16. FOURTEEN
  17. FIFTEEN
  18. SIXTEEN
  19. SEVENTEEN
  20. EIGHTEEN
  21. NINETEEN
  22. TWENTY
  23. TWENTY-ONE
  24. TWENTY-TWO
  25. TWENTY-THREE
  26. TWENTY-FOUR
  27. TWENTY-FIVE
  28. TWENTY-SIX
  29. TWENTY-SEVEN
  30. TWENTY-EIGHT
  31. TWENTY-NINE
  32. THIRTY
  33. THIRTY-ONE
  34. THIRTY-TWO
  35. THIRTY-THREE
  36. THIRTY-FOUR
  37. THIRTY-FIVE
  38. THIRTY-SIX
  39. THIRTY-SEVEN
  40. THIRTY-EIGHT
  41. THIRTY-NINE
  42. FORTY
  43. FORTY-ONE
  44. FORTY-TWO
  45. FORTY-THREE
  46. FORTY-FOUR
  47. FORTY-FIVE
  48. FORTY-SIX
  49. FORTY-SEVEN
  50. FORTY-EIGHT
  51. FORTY-NINE
  52. FIFTY
  53. FIFTY-ONE
  54. FIFTY-TWO
  55. FIFTY-THREE
  56. FIFTY-FOUR
  57. FIFTY-FIVE
  58. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

‘On 22 February 1999, the eve of Russia’s annual Defenders of the Fatherland holiday, the Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu announced the creation of a new information operations force combining cyber troops and propagandists. They had sophisticated means of tracking the morale of rival military forces. The internet allowed them to extend this to entire nations. Their sensitivity to national psyches allowed them to craft tailor-made psychological campaigns. Vishinsky’s GRU textbook even advised different approaches to waging psy warfare on different NATO members: “abstract-logical” propaganda for the Germans, visuals for the French and Americans, etc. Around the turn of the millennium it stopped being simply a tool of Kremlin policy and began to affect the policy itself. Vishinsky was advising Putin directly.

‘It was around this time Putin changed his tone. No longer a pragmatic realist when it came to world affairs, now he became Mr Nationalist. He got an ideology: reclaiming the former Soviet Union. Vishinsky produced speeches and propaganda along these lines and it played well. It was a narrative, a national goal: make Russia great again. It secured access to a lot of oil and gas. And he had persuaded Putin that they could compete, thanks to this new unit.’

Joanna talked through the dawn, but never told me what she intended to do about all this, or who she was working with at Shefford and what they had to do with Vishinsky. So I had no idea how a man shot in Astana might or might not connect to it all.

Budget hidden in Requirements and Production, but huge. Staff size one hundred and twenty. Some definitely came from GCHQ. Others were academics … The security set-up suggests it was operational. It wasn’t just producing papers.

Closed down. Someone inside Six saw to that. I was curious about where their sympathies lay.

The report from air traffic control gave us Vishinsky landing at a military airfield in Koyandy, north of Astana, at 10 a.m. on 22 November. I opened my laptop, checked what had been trending on Kazakh social media in the last twenty-four hours. The President’s daughter had been chalked up as judge on SuperstarKZ; the regional governor of Mangystau had proposed bird watching as a potential tourist attraction; a Russian woman had been raped in northern Kazakhstan, close to the Russian border.

Several news sites carried high-definition photos of the victim’s face, bruised and tear-stained. Her name was Yulia Vectisishina, and she lived in Schuchinsk. A lot of people with Russian surnames were sharing the story across various platforms, connecting it to an attack a few miles away in Petropavl, a majority-Russian village, where a cultural centre had been burned down.

The woman was Russian, the rapists were alleged to be ethnic Kazakh. People were posting photos of angry crowds. They held signs that said: Kazakhstan is Russia.

TWENTY-EIGHT

‘How directly does the Kremlin direct this unit?’ Walker asked.