Chapters (60)
- Cover
- Dedication
- Foreword
- Preface
- Prologue
- PART ONE
- Kharkiv, Ukraine
- The President’s weekly defense and foreign policy meeting, The Kremlin, Moscow
- Comprehensive Crisis Operations Management Center (CCOMC), Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE), Belgium
- Briefing Room, Boryspill Air Force Base, Ukraine
- The Kremlin, Moscow
- Washington, D.C.
- Residence of DSACEUR La Belle Alliance, Erbisoeul, Belgium
- North Atlantic Council Conference Room, NATO Headquarters, Brussels
- Banks of River Daugava, Riga, Latvia
- Ādaži Training Camp, Latvia
- Riga, Latvia
- National Defense Control Center, Moscow
- Ādaži Training Camp, Latvia
- NATO Headquarters, Brussels
- National Armed Forces Joint HQ, Riga, Latvia
- Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE), Mons, Belgium
- Central European Time 1600 hours, Eastern Standard Time, The White House, Washington, D.C.
- Lielvārde Air Base, Latvia
- Lielvārde Air Base, Latvia
- Camp David, Catoctin Mountains, Maryland
- British Embassy, 5, J.Alunana Street, Riga, Latvia
- The Russell Arms, Butler’s Cross, Buckinghamshire
- HMS Queen Elizabeth Middle Slip Jetty, HM Naval Base, Portsmouth
- National Defense Control Center, Moscow
- Comprehensive Crisis Operations Management Center (CCOMC) SHAPE headquarters, Mons, Belgium
- Somewhere in the forest, Gauja National Park, Latvia
- 10 Downing Street, Whitehall, London
- HMS Queen Elizabeth in the Baltic Sea
- Control Room, Kilo Class submarine Krasnokamensk, Baltic Sea
- PART TWO
- Prime Minister’s Office, House of Commons, London
- The Presidential Dacha Barvikha, Odintsovsky District of Moscow Oblast
- The White House, Washington, D.C.
- NATO Headquarters, Brussels, Belgium
- Gauja National Park Forest, Latvia
- PART THREE
- “The Tank,” Pentagon, Washington, D.C.
- North Atlantic Council NATO Headquarters, Brussels
- Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), Cheltenham, England
- GCHQ, Cheltenham, England
- Forest south of Pravdinsk, Kaliningrad, Russia
- Headquarters, Kaliningrad Special Region, Kaliningrad
- The President’s Office, The Kremlin, Moscow
- Forest south of Pravdinsk, Kaliningrad, Russia
- Comprehensive Crisis Operations Management Center (CCOMC) SHAPE headquarters, Mons, Belgium
- Command Bunker, Iskander Missile Battery Pravdinsk, Kaliningrad
- Over Wroclaw, Poland
- Forest north of Pravdinsk Iskander Battery, Kaliningrad
- 25,000 feet above Kaliningrad
- Close to the Pravdinsk Iskander Battery, Kaliningrad
- Epilogue
- Glossary
- Acknowledgments
- Notes
Komarov guessed that the tiger was about to bare his fangs and he was not disappointed.
“I am surprised, Mikhail Nikolayevich, that you dare face me and tell me that these ordinary infantry soldiers can attack your President with impunity and, a week later, you have failed to capture them.”
General Gareyev must have realized that he had overplayed his hand because his tone became conciliatory. “I agree, Vladimir Vladimirovich. It shall be so and this insult to you cannot stand. I’ll put Vronsky, the Spetsnaz major responsible for planning the demonstration in Riga, on the case. He knows the Baltic states and his network is strong. This British captain will be his top priority.”
The President nodded, apparently appeased for the moment.
Gareyev went on to explain that the demands of suppressing the eruption of guerrilla activity across the Baltic states was soaking up Russian military manpower and resources. With estimates of tens of thousands of men and women taking to the forest to fight the Russians as guerrillas—emulating the Forest Brothers’ campaigns of the 1950s in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania—Russian generals were being forced to strip out manpower from other areas. Ukraine, the southern Caucasus and Crimea were being thinned out, but more were needed. Gareyev confronted the issue head on.
“If we are to crush this insurgency, I need every man I can get my hands on deployed across the Baltic states. Right now. These people are naturals at irregular warfare and unless I concentrate effort against them and crush them quickly, our hold on the three Baltic countries will be jeopardized. Every success just encourages them to think they can win, and pulls in more recruits . . .” Gareyev looked back at the President from the TV screen. “And you cannot afford for that to happen, Vladimir Vladimirovich.”
His meaning to Komarov and the underlying threat it carried was very clear: the President had to get this right or his position as leader would become vulnerable. Having led the Russians to war, his vision of incorporating the former Soviet republics of the Baltic states into the Russian Federation had to work. If it failed, then those who had supported him in order to see national pride restored would desert him for the unforgivable crime of destroying that very pride.
Komarov could see that the inference was not lost on the President.
“What are you proposing, Mikhail Nikolayevich?” he asked Gareyev.