Chapters (40)
- Cover Page
- Title Page
- Dedication
- Prologue A Brief History of Banting
- Part One
- Chapter 1
- Chapter 2
- Chapter 3
- Chapter 4
- Part Two
- Chapter 5
- Chapter 6
- Chapter 7
- Chapter 8
- Chapter 9
- Chapter 10
- Chapter 11
- Chapter 12
- Chapter 13
- Part Three
- Chapter 14
- Chapter 15
- Chapter 16
- Chapter 17
- Chapter 18
- Chapter 19
- Chapter 20
- Chapter 21
- Chapter 22
- Chapter 23
- Chapter 24
- Epilogue
- Notes
- Bibliography
- Acknowledgments
- Illustration Credits
- A Note About the Author
- Also by Gary Taubes
- Footnotes
- Copyright
Higginson had repeatedly remarked on these two points during his tenure as director of IARC. In early reports, Higginson and the World Health Organization had referred to “extrinsic factors” and “environmental factors” as the cause of most cancers, by which they meant lifestyle and diet. The public and the environmental movement had perceived this to mean almost exclusively “man-made chemicals”—the “carcinogenic soup,” as it was known in the 1960s and 1970s. “It appears that only a very small part of the total cancer burden can be directly related to industrialization,” Higginson wrote. The release of industrial chemicals into the environment could not explain, for example, why the nonindustrial city of Geneva had more cancer than Birmingham, “in the polluted central valleys of England,” or why prostate cancer was ten times more frequent in Sweden than in Japan.*61
Nonetheless, this focus on carcinogenic chemicals as the primary cancer-causing agents in the environment also carried over to nutrition-related cancer research in the laboratory. It was assumed that whatever components of diet were responsible for cancer worked the same way that chemicals did: by inducing mutations and genetic damage in cells. When cancer researchers from around the world met in September 1976 at the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory to discuss the origins of human cancer, the talks focused on those chemicals shown to be carcinogens in animals, and the possibility that they might be found in infinitesimal or greater amounts in human diets, drinking water, or pharmaceuticals.
By the mid-1970s, when cancer epidemiologists began to convince politicians and the public that many cancers were caused by what Peto and Doll had called the “gross aspects of diet,” rather than “ingestion of traces of powerful carcinogens or precarcinogens,” the focus was almost exclusively on fat, fiber, and red meat, or smoked-or salt-cured meat, as well as the possibly protective nature of vitamins, vegetables, and fruits. The low incidence of cancer in vegetarians and Seventh-day Adventists was often cited as evidence that meat is carcinogenic and that green vegetables and fruit are protective. (Although the incidence of colon cancer, for instance, among Seventh-day Adventists was no lower than among Mormons, described by Doll and his colleague Bruce Armstrong as “among the biggest beefeaters in the United States.”) For the next twenty years, conferences, textbooks, and expert reports on nutrition and cancer continued to focus exclusively on these factors, although now aided by the advances in molecular biology.
By the end of the 1990s, clinical trials and large-scale prospective studies had demonstrated that the dietary fat and fiber hypotheses of cancer were almost assuredly wrong, and similar investigations had repeatedly failed to confirm that red meat played any role.*62 Meanwhile, cancer researchers had failed to identify any diet-related carcinogens or mutagens that could account for any of the major cancers. But cancer epidemiologists made little attempt to derive alternative explanations for those 10 to 70 percent of diet-induced cancers, other than to suggest that overnutrition, physical inactivity, and obesity perhaps played a role.