“I want Communist countries to be governed in a disciplined and rigorous way,” Filipov replied. “Subversive newspapers will soon start demanding Western-style so-called democracy, in which political parties representing rival bourgeois factions create the illusion of choice but unite to repress the working class.”

“Nobody wants that,” said Natalya. “But we do want Czechoslovakia to be a culturally advanced country attractive to Western tourists. If we crack down and tourism declines, the Soviet Union will be forced to pay out even more money to support the Czech economy.”

Filipov sneered: “Is that the Foreign Ministry view?”

“The Foreign Ministry wants a negotiation with Dubcek to ensure that the country remains Communist, not a crude intervention that will alienate capitalist and Communist countries alike.”

In the end the economic arguments prevailed with the majority around the table. The aides recommended to the Politburo that Dubcek be questioned by other Warsaw Pact members at their next meeting in Dresden, East Germany. Dimka was exultant: the threat of a hard-line purge had been warded off, at least for the moment. The thrilling Czech experiment in reformed Communism could continue.

Outside the room, Dimka said to Natalya: “My divorce has come through. I am no longer married to Nina, and that’s official.”

Her response was muted. “Good,” she said, but she looked anxious.

Dimka had been living apart from Nina and little Grigor for a year. He had his own small place, where he and Natalya snatched a few hours of togetherness once or twice a week. It was unsatisfactory to both of them. “I want to marry you,” he said.

“I want the same.”

“Will you talk to Nik?”

“Yes.”

“Tonight?”

“Soon.”

“What are you scared of?”

“I’m not frightened for myself,” she said. “I don’t care what he does to me.” Dimka winced, remembering her split lip. “It’s you I’m worried about,” she went on. “Remember the tape recorder man.”

Dimka remembered. The black market trader who had cheated Natalya had been so badly beaten that he ended up in hospital. Natalya’s implication was that the same might happen to Dimka if she asked Nik for a divorce.

Dimka did not believe this. “I’m not some lowlife criminal, I’m right-hand man to the premier. Nik can’t touch me.” He was 99 percent sure of this.

“I don’t know,” Natalya said unhappily. “Nik has high-up contacts too.”

Dimka spoke more quietly. “Do you still have sex with him?”

“Not often. He has other girls.”

“Do you enjoy it?”

“No!”

“Does he?”

“Not much.”

“Then what’s the problem?”

“His pride. He’ll be angry to think I could prefer another man.”

“I’m not afraid of his anger.”

“I am. But I will talk to him. I promise.”

“Thank you.” Dimka lowered his voice to a whisper. “I love you.”

“I love you, too.”

Dimka returned to his office and summarized the aides’ meeting for his boss, Alexei Kosygin.

“I don’t believe the KGB, either,” Kosygin said. “Andropov wants to suppress Dubcek’s reforms, and he’s fabricating evidence to support that move.” Yuri Andropov was the new head of the KGB, and a fanatical hard-liner. Kosygin went on: “But I need reliable intelligence from Czechoslovakia. If the KGB is untrustworthy, who can I turn to?”