George put in: “Is that really President Johnson’s concern? Or does he want to send a message saying that he’s in charge of foreign policy now, and he’s not going to have Congress second-guess every nickel-and-dime decision he makes?”

Greg chuckled. “Sometimes I forget how smart you are, George. That’s exactly what Lyndon wants.”

Skip said: “The president wants to work hand in glove with Congress on foreign policy. But he would really appreciate being able to count on your support tomorrow. He feels it would be a terrible dishonor to the memory of President Kennedy if the wheat bill passes.”

Neither man was willing to say what was really going on here, George noted. The simple truth was that Johnson was threatening to cancel the Buffalo dock project if Greg voted for the wheat bill.

And Greg caved. “Please tell the president that I understand his concern and he can count on my vote,” he said.

Skip stood up. “Thank you, Senator,” he said. “He’ll be very pleased.”

George said: “Before you go, Skip . . . I know the new president has a lot on his mind, but sometime in the next few days he’s going to turn his thoughts to the civil rights bill. Please call me if you think I can help in any way at all.”

“Thanks, George. I appreciate that.” Skip left.

Greg said: “Nicely done.”

“Just making sure he knows the door is open.”

“That kind of thing is so important in politics.”

Their food came. When the waiters had retreated, George picked up his knife and fork. “I’m a Bobby Kennedy man, through and through,” he said as he began to carve his lobster. “But Johnson shouldn’t be underestimated.”

“You’re right, but don’t overestimate him either.”

“What does that mean?”

“Lyndon has two failings. He’s intellectually weak. Oh, listen, he’s as cunning as a Texas polecat, but that’s not the same thing. He went to schoolteacher college, and never learned abstract thinking. He feels inferior to us Harvard-educated types, and he’s right. His grasp of international politics is feeble. The Chinese, the Buddhists, Cubans, Bolsheviks—such people have different ways of thinking that he will never understand.”

“What’s his other failing?”

“He’s morally weak, too. He has no principles. His support of civil rights is genuine, but it’s not ethical. He sympathizes with colored people as underdogs, and he thinks he’s an underdog, too, because he comes from a poor Texas family. It’s a gut reaction.”

George smiled: “He just got you to do exactly what he wanted.”

“Correct. Lyndon knows how to manipulate people one at a time. He’s the most skillful parliamentary politician I’ve ever met. But he’s not a statesman. Jack Kennedy was the opposite: hopelessly incompetent at managing Congress, superb on the international stage. Lyndon will deal with Congress masterfully, but as leader of the free world? I don’t know.”

“Do you think he has any chance of getting the civil rights bill past Congressman Howard Smith’s committee?”

Greg grinned. “I can’t wait to see what Lyndon will do. Eat your lobster.”