Back War with Russia
Chapters (60)
  1. Cover
  2. Dedication
  3. Foreword
  4. Preface
  5. Prologue
  6. PART ONE
  7. Kharkiv, Ukraine
  8. The President’s weekly defense and foreign policy meeting, The Kremlin, Moscow
  9. Comprehensive Crisis Operations Management Center (CCOMC), Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE), Belgium
  10. Briefing Room, Boryspill Air Force Base, Ukraine
  11. The Kremlin, Moscow
  12. Washington, D.C.
  13. Residence of DSACEUR La Belle Alliance, Erbisoeul, Belgium
  14. North Atlantic Council Conference Room, NATO Headquarters, Brussels
  15. Banks of River Daugava, Riga, Latvia
  16. Ādaži Training Camp, Latvia
  17. Riga, Latvia
  18. National Defense Control Center, Moscow
  19. Ādaži Training Camp, Latvia
  20. NATO Headquarters, Brussels
  21. National Armed Forces Joint HQ, Riga, Latvia
  22. Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE), Mons, Belgium
  23. Central European Time 1600 hours, Eastern Standard Time, The White House, Washington, D.C.
  24. Lielvārde Air Base, Latvia
  25. Lielvārde Air Base, Latvia
  26. Camp David, Catoctin Mountains, Maryland
  27. British Embassy, 5, J.Alunana Street, Riga, Latvia
  28. The Russell Arms, Butler’s Cross, Buckinghamshire
  29. HMS Queen Elizabeth Middle Slip Jetty, HM Naval Base, Portsmouth
  30. National Defense Control Center, Moscow
  31. Comprehensive Crisis Operations Management Center (CCOMC) SHAPE headquarters, Mons, Belgium
  32. Somewhere in the forest, Gauja National Park, Latvia
  33. 10 Downing Street, Whitehall, London
  34. HMS Queen Elizabeth in the Baltic Sea
  35. Control Room, Kilo Class submarine Krasnokamensk, Baltic Sea
  36. PART TWO
  37. Prime Minister’s Office, House of Commons, London
  38. The Presidential Dacha Barvikha, Odintsovsky District of Moscow Oblast
  39. The White House, Washington, D.C.
  40. NATO Headquarters, Brussels, Belgium
  41. Gauja National Park Forest, Latvia
  42. PART THREE
  43. “The Tank,” Pentagon, Washington, D.C.
  44. North Atlantic Council NATO Headquarters, Brussels
  45. Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), Cheltenham, England
  46. GCHQ, Cheltenham, England
  47. Forest south of Pravdinsk, Kaliningrad, Russia
  48. Headquarters, Kaliningrad Special Region, Kaliningrad
  49. The President’s Office, The Kremlin, Moscow
  50. Forest south of Pravdinsk, Kaliningrad, Russia
  51. Comprehensive Crisis Operations Management Center (CCOMC) SHAPE headquarters, Mons, Belgium
  52. Command Bunker, Iskander Missile Battery Pravdinsk, Kaliningrad
  53. Over Wroclaw, Poland
  54. Forest north of Pravdinsk Iskander Battery, Kaliningrad
  55. 25,000 feet above Kaliningrad
  56. Close to the Pravdinsk Iskander Battery, Kaliningrad
  57. Epilogue
  58. Glossary
  59. Acknowledgments
  60. Notes

McKinlay was conscious that he was witnessing history. Germany, so long the most pacifist nation in NATO, was today sanctioning the use of force. Like so many of his senior military colleagues, he had the highest respect for the professionalism of German commanders and staff officers and the quality of its military hardware, but despaired of that country’s consistent refusal to do anything meaningful with them. Now, once again, panzers marked with black crosses would be heading east. This time it would be in the cause of freedom and not of occupation.

“That’s just what we needed to hear,” he muttered to Admiral Howard, next to him. Then he scribbled a note and gave it to his German MA, Commander Wolfgang Kretschmer of the German Navy, one of the three Military Assistants who looked after the wide span of DSACEUR’s responsibilities and who had recently joined the office.

Kretschmer read it, nodded, and left the room to fix up calls to the Chiefs of Defense Staff of Germany and the UK.

McKinlay listened while a series of ambassadors reinforced the commitment of their countries to taking whatever military action might be needed to liberate the Baltic states, although Hungary and Greece remained silent, neither promising support but no longer—and just as importantly—refusing it either. Judging the moment perfectly, Secretary General Kostilek intervened and summed up the mood of the meeting.

“Ambassadors, I congratulate you on your very positive statements. I see there is unanimity in support of taking whatever action is necessary to liberate the Baltic states. If we get this right, and there is no reason why we cannot, the future of the Alliance is safe. I had no doubt that the nations would rise to the challenge. The question now is what action can be taken. For this we are in the hands of the NATO military authorities . . . SACEUR, the floor is yours.”

“Thank you, Secretary General,” said Howard. “You will all be aware of the outline proposal we have circulated under strictest security to each of you. I will not repeat what is in that because it is of critical importance that the tightest operational security is maintained . . . and we can’t do that in open forum in the North Atlantic Council. I propose first that DSACEUR outlines the general force generation requirement so that you understand the scale of the challenge. Secondly, I recommend that we arrange a Top Secret briefing for your military representatives. They will then ensure that you understand what is planned. But, and most important, I now need your authority to proceed with the detailed planning.”

Kostilek concurred. “We all understand that secrecy is vital. Can I take it that the Council approves the proposal that the NATO military authorities take forward the planning of the operation whose outline you have been briefed upon separately?”