Back Rites of Passage
Chapters (34)
  1. Cover
  2. Sanjoy Hazarika
  3. RITES OF PASSAGE
  4. Dedication
  5. Foreword
  6. Chapter One
  7. Chapter Two
  8. Chapter Three
  9. Chapter Four
  10. Chapter Five
  11. Chapter Six
  12. Chapter Seven
  13. Chapter Eight
  14. Chapter Nine
  15. Chapter Ten
  16. Chapter Eleven
  17. Chapter Twelve
  18. Chapter Thirteen
  19. Chapter Fourteen
  20. Appendices
  21. Footnotes
  22. Chapter Three
  23. Chapter Four
  24. Chapter Six
  25. Chapter Seven
  26. Chapter Eight
  27. Chapter Nine
  28. Chapter Eleven
  29. Chapter Twelve
  30. Chapter Thirteen
  31. Chapter Fourteen
  32. Appendices
  33. Bibliography
  34. Acknowledgements

These places were not huge distances apart but the roads connecting them were bone-rattling, car-shuddering, and pot-holed, looking as if they had been blasted by an evil apparition, seeking to torment travellers. The biggest culprits in damaging those roads (including the notional national highways and state highways) were the overloaded, lumbering trucks and buses, most of which seemed to be in the same stage of acute disrepair as the roads. It need hardly be added here that the construction quality of the roads was so poor that the first strong burst of monsoon rains was often enough to devastate them. A common enough sight was that of trucks with broken axles or trucks lying on their sides, their goods scattered on the road and the wet grass alongside it, with weary drivers and mechanics waiting for help and marking time. In many cases, the drivers would be Sikhs who had been plying these roads for years, if not decades. But the landscape would always be stunning—acres and acres of lush green countryside with overcast skies and the hint of rain.

Fieldwork

The documentation of this study has not been easy. In the course of collation of material, one travelled—with researchers or without them (and at times, as in the case of Assam, the researcher travelled without me!)—to sites selected for the fieldwork. Fieldwork in any area of the world is not easy, especially in those where poverty and conflict are frequent visitors, if not permanent settlers. Time and again, we were struck by the openness shown by people who we had never met but who agreed to talk with us on the basis of local contacts whom they respected. At one research site in Assam, on the southern bank of the Brahmaputra, Anindita located a former student of hers, making for a natural entrée into the village. Others spoke because of a genuine interest in our work, and also because they felt the need to share their views on issues where they were being defined as the victims or as the protagonists, without them having a say in the matter. Their voices had never been heard or reflected in the discourse of politics, policy-making, and in the extensive writing by scholars or the media. Their vision of these concerns was strengthened by their own experiences. These views may have been subjective but, undeniably, they had a ring of truth and honesty about them, rarely heard in such discourse. It is this element of opinions and experiences from the ground level that have helped to shape our approach.

The massive bureaucracy whether on the Indian side of the border or the Bangladeshi was visible throughout our work. People whom we called upon were questioned by the police about the reason for our visits. They spoke up for me and my work. Many elements in the bureaucracy, in uniform or out of it, were helpful with contacts, information and opinions.