Back Rites of Passage
Chapters (34)
  1. Cover
  2. Sanjoy Hazarika
  3. RITES OF PASSAGE
  4. Dedication
  5. Foreword
  6. Chapter One
  7. Chapter Two
  8. Chapter Three
  9. Chapter Four
  10. Chapter Five
  11. Chapter Six
  12. Chapter Seven
  13. Chapter Eight
  14. Chapter Nine
  15. Chapter Ten
  16. Chapter Eleven
  17. Chapter Twelve
  18. Chapter Thirteen
  19. Chapter Fourteen
  20. Appendices
  21. Footnotes
  22. Chapter Three
  23. Chapter Four
  24. Chapter Six
  25. Chapter Seven
  26. Chapter Eight
  27. Chapter Nine
  28. Chapter Eleven
  29. Chapter Twelve
  30. Chapter Thirteen
  31. Chapter Fourteen
  32. Appendices
  33. Bibliography
  34. Acknowledgements

In my view, El-Hinnawi’s proposition blurs the distinction between refugees and migrants to an unacceptable level. This, according to Sukhre, violates ‘common sense’ and inflates the numbers of those on the move—of either category.

There are generalists among academics and journalists who dramatize the situation by talking in broad, non-specific terms and define environmental refugees as those ‘fleeing from environmental decline.’ This is a rather imprecise definition for it makes no distinction between people who are displaced internally and those displaced internationally. Such sweeping statements create confusion and spread disinformation. New paradigms are developed without adequate discussion, research, preparation or logical consideration of the issues.

The Bracero Programme Versus Guest Workers

Different countries have tried different methods to deal with the problem of migration, ranging from strong-arm methods such as pushing people back and building fences as in India and Bangladesh or United States and Mexico, to the absorptive approach which accepts migrants but expects them to return after they have completed their stay. The latter also includes the United States and its Bracero programme and the Guest Worker programme in Germany. It is interesting that the United States should be prominent in following both approaches. But that is surely to be expected, for it is the biggest recipient of immigrants (legal and illegal) in the world.

The Bracero programme was evolved to regulate the flow of legal and temporary Mexican workers. The south-western states of the United States, having once been under Mexico, are run by conservative establishments which oppose immigration from Mexico. There is concern that the immigrants would bring down the wage rates of labour because they would be prepared to work for less than the average American. Further, there are fears that as this labour is largely Hispanic, the Hispanics would overwhelm the local white, Anglo-Saxon communities.

The Bracero programme was put into place during the Second World War, as a temporary measure to make up for labour shortages in the American war effort. It was continued to overcome worker shortages during the Korean War. The programme was unilaterally terminated by the United States in 1964 after a record five extensions—all under pressure from the American farm lobby which needed cheap Mexican labour.

To soften the blow of abrogating Bracero, the United States helped Mexico set up a Border Industrialisation Programme. The idea was to provide alternative employment to those Mexicans who would be displaced by the closure of Bracero. Factory units to process semi-processed components shipped out by US firms were set up. There were trade preferences for investors and most of these were American. Duty was to be paid only on the foreign value-added.