Chapters (50)
- DEBT OF HONOR
- Acknowledgments
- Prologue
- 1—Alumni
- 2—Fraternity
- 3—Collegium
- 4—Activity
- 5—Complexity Theory
- 6—Looking In, Looking Out
- 7—Catalyst
- 8—Fast-Forwarding
- 9—Power Plays
- 10—Seduction
- 11—Sea Change
- 12—Formalities
- 13—Winds and Tides
- 14—Reflections
- 15—A Damned, Foolish Thing
- 16—Payloads
- 17—Strike One
- 18—Easter Egg
- 19—Strike Two
- 20—Strike Three
- 21—Navy Blue
- 22—The Global Dimension
- 23—Catching Up
- 24—Running in Place
- 25—All the King's Horses
- 26—Catch-up
- 27—Piling On
- 28—Transmissions
- 29—Written Records
- 30—Why Not?
- 31—The How and the What
- 32—Special Report
- 33—Reversal Points
- 34—All Aboard
- 35—Consequences
- 36—Consideration
- 37—Going Deep
- 38—The River Rubicon
- 39—Eyes First
- 40—Foxes and Hounds
- 41—CTF-77
- 42—Lightning Strikes
- 43—Dancing to the Tune
- 44—…from one who knows the score…
- 45—Line of Battle
- 46—Detachment
- 47—Brooms
Murray ran the case, acting as the personal representative of Director Bill Shaw. Under Murray were twenty-eight agents, two of them headquarters-division inspectors, and almost all the rest experienced men in their forties, chosen for their expertise (there were also a half dozen young agents to do legwork errands). The next step would be to meet with a United States Attorney. They'd already chosen the one they wanted, Anne Cooper, twenty-nine, a J.D. from the University of Indiana, who specialized in sexual-assault cases. An elegant woman, tall, black, and ferociously feminist, she had sufficient fervor for such cases that the name of the defendant wouldn't matter to her more than the time of day. That was the easy part.
Then came the hard part. The "defendant" in question was the Vice President of the United States, and the Constitution said that he could not be treated like a normal citizen. In his case, the "grand jury" would be the United States House of Representatives' Committee on the Judiciary. Anne Cooper would work technically in cooperation with the chairman and staffers of the committee, though as a practical matter she'd actually run the case herself, with the committee people "helping" by grandstanding and leaking things to the press.
The firestorm would start, Murray explained slowly and quietly, when the chairman of the committee was informed of what was coming. Then the accusations would become public; the political dimension made it unavoidable. Vice President Edward J. Kealty would indignantly deny all accusations, and his defense team would launch its own investigation of Barbara Linders. They would discover the things that Murray had already heard from her own lips, many of them damaging, and the public would not be told, at first, that rape victims, especially those who did not report their crimes, suffered crushing loss of self-esteem, often manifested by abnormal sexual behavior. (Having learned that sexual activity was the only thing that men wanted of them, they often sought more of it in a futile search for the self-worth ripped away from them by the first attacker.) Barbara Linders had done that, had taken antidepression medications, had skipped through half a dozen jobs and two abortions. That this was a result of her victimization, and not an indication of her unreliability, would have to be established before the committee, because once the matter became public information, she would be unable to defend herself, not allowed to speak openly, while lawyers and investigators on the other side would have every chance to attack her as thoroughly and viciously as, but far more publicly than, Ed Kealty ever had. The media would see to that.
"It's not fair," she said, finally.