Chapters (50)
- DEBT OF HONOR
- Acknowledgments
- Prologue
- 1—Alumni
- 2—Fraternity
- 3—Collegium
- 4—Activity
- 5—Complexity Theory
- 6—Looking In, Looking Out
- 7—Catalyst
- 8—Fast-Forwarding
- 9—Power Plays
- 10—Seduction
- 11—Sea Change
- 12—Formalities
- 13—Winds and Tides
- 14—Reflections
- 15—A Damned, Foolish Thing
- 16—Payloads
- 17—Strike One
- 18—Easter Egg
- 19—Strike Two
- 20—Strike Three
- 21—Navy Blue
- 22—The Global Dimension
- 23—Catching Up
- 24—Running in Place
- 25—All the King's Horses
- 26—Catch-up
- 27—Piling On
- 28—Transmissions
- 29—Written Records
- 30—Why Not?
- 31—The How and the What
- 32—Special Report
- 33—Reversal Points
- 34—All Aboard
- 35—Consequences
- 36—Consideration
- 37—Going Deep
- 38—The River Rubicon
- 39—Eyes First
- 40—Foxes and Hounds
- 41—CTF-77
- 42—Lightning Strikes
- 43—Dancing to the Tune
- 44—…from one who knows the score…
- 45—Line of Battle
- 46—Detachment
- 47—Brooms
A giant step backwards, Ryan thought. A new alliance of sorts, one that could stretch from the Arctic Circle to Australia. Three countries with nuclear capacity, a huge resource base, massive economies, and the political will to use violence to achieve their ends. The Nineteenth Century all over, played on a far larger field. Economic competition backed by force, the classic formula for unending war.
"Jack?" the President asked again.
Ryan nodded slowly. "I think we have to. You can pick any reason you want. They all come out the same way."
"Approved."
37—Going Deep
"Normalcy" was the word the various commentators consistently used, usually with adjectives like "eerie" and/or "reassuring" to describe the week's routine. People on the political left were gratified that the government was using diplomatic means to address the crisis, while those on the political right were enraged that the White House was low-keying everything. Indeed, it was the absence of leadership, and the absence of real policy statements that showed everyone that Roger Durling was a domestic-policy president who didn't have much of a clue on how to handle international crises. Further criticism found its way to the National Security Advisor, John P. Ryan, who, though he had supposedly good credentials in intelligence, had never really established himself as a player in national-security matters per se, and certainly was not taking a very forceful position now. Others found his circumspection admirable. The downsizing of the American military, pundits observed, made effective counteraction extremely difficult at best, and though lights remained on at the Pentagon throughout the nights, there obviously was no way to deal with the situation in the Marianas. As a result, other observers said in front of any TV camera with a red light, the Administration would do its best to appear to remain calm and steady while doing the best it could. Hence the illusion of normalcy to conceal the inherent weakness of the American position.
"You ask us to do nothing?" Golovko asked in exasperation.
"It's our battle to fight. If you move too soon, it alerts China, and it alerts Japan." Besides, Ryan could not add, what can you do? The Russian military was in far worse shape than America's. They could move additional aircraft to Eastern Siberia. Moving ground troops to firm up the light-strength formations of border guards could well trigger a Chinese response.
"Your satellites are telling you the same thing ours are, Sergey. China isn't mobilizing."
"Yet." The single word had a sting to it.
"Correct. Not yet. And if we play our cards right, that won't happen."
Ryan paused. "Any further information on the missiles?"
"We have several sites under surveillance," Golovko reported. "We have confirmed that the rockets at Yoshinobu are being used for civilian purposes. That is probably a cover for military testing, but nothing more than that. My technical people are quite confident."
"Don't you just love how confident they can be," Ryan observed.