Zaragosa did not appear to share Michael’s confidence. “It is to be hoped.” But he seemed to doubt.

Michael said, “They’ve pulled most of the soldiers back down into Mexico. They’re fightin’ a revolution down there to throw Bustamante out of power. There’s a young general by the name of Santa Anna who says he wants to restore the constitution of 1824. I think we’d all be happy with that.”

Zaragosa frowned. “I know of this Santa Anna. He is much popular with the people. But he is one who watches always which way the wind blows. If it blows east, he goes east. If it blows west, he goes west. Today it blows for the constitution. Tomorrow?” He shrugged.

James hesitated to bring up the subject with Zaragosa here, but he decided to do it, anyway. “I heard a lot of people talkin’ when I was at Velasco. They’re sayin’ what Texas needs is to be independent from Mexico. Then we wouldn’t have to worry about the likes of Bradburn or Bustamante or Santa Anna or any of them. We’d elect our own, and if they didn’t do what we wanted we’d vote them out and start over, like back home.”

Michael said, “This isn’t Tennessee. It isn’t the United States. I think most of the old settlers would be glad enough just to have the constitution back. It guaranteed us our rights. Give us that and we’ve got no quarrel with Mexico.”

“But will they give us that?” James shook his head. “I think independence is what we need.”

Michael gave him a long, sad look. “Would you be willin’ to kill for it?”

James nodded grimly. “I’m afraid I already have.”

XVIII

SERGEANT DíAZ was disappointed. He had hoped the uprising at Anahuac and Velasco would give the central government gumption enough to bring in an army of invasion and drive the Americans from Texas for once and for all. Certainly it should have opened the eyes of those in Mexico City to the danger of tolerating these extranjeros who showed every intention of wresting Texas from Mexico and delivering it into the hands of the United States of the North. He regarded Colonel José de las Piedras as a fool. He should have supported Juan Bradburn and crushed the rebels with an iron will instead of countermanding Bradburn and forcing that worthy patriot to resign.

It was true, of course, that Bradburn had abused his authority, but it was his authority, and the central government should have supported him. Rebellion, whatever its motivation, should never be tolerated. Order should always be the first priority. Grievances should be addressed by authority, never by the mob. That had traditionally been the army’s view, and Díaz had never questioned it even when his conscience told him that authority was wrong. He was, first and last, a soldier.

In drawing a major part of its soldiers from Texas after

Anahuac, the army had chosen for the moment to leave him in the reduced garrison at San Antonio de Bexar. He had mixed feelings about that. In a way he would have preferred to go where the real fighting was, against the tyrant Bustamante who had seized control from the rightful president Guerrero. That fight was being led now by Antonio López de Santa Anna, Mexico’s hero of the hour. Santa Anna had promised to restore the liberal constitution of 1824 and end Bustamante’s oppression of the people. He was supported by most of the army, so it seemed a foregone conclusion that he would win.