All of which meant that Nikola Musulin’s death must have been sanctioned at a high level – in theory, if not in actual practice, since even the most pragmatic of Serbian politicians would have balked at a bomb attack at the heart of one of the country’s tourist hot spots. It was Radovan’s opinion that the main reason for Musulin’s assassination had been to prevent Spiridon’s return to Serbia because he represented a potentially destabilizing influence – although, as with all such maneuverings, there were undoubtedly other forces at work, since Musulin’s death opened the way for a redistribution of wealth and influence. If their foes were prepared to sanction Musulin’s public immolation, they would not hesitate to do the same for the Vuksans.

But the brothers were also vulnerable if they remained in Europe, because the Serbian gangs had insinuated themselves throughout the continent. It was, therefore, unwise for the Vuksans to linger where they might be spotted by unfriendly faces. Unfortunately, Spiridon had so far proved resistant to the idea of relocation to another continent. Spiridon wanted to be acknowledged as a threat, and the closer his proximity to Belgrade, the more his enemies had reason to fear him and thus – according to his rationale – the more cause they would have to seek an accommodation with him.

Nikola Musulin’s death had not affected Spiridon on any personal level, beyond the inconvenience it was causing him. Blood ties aside, the two men had never been close, and if the bomb had not blown Musulin to pieces, someone else would have usurped him down the line because, as Gavrilo Dražeta had noted, he lacked foresight and ambition. When, or if, Serbia was finally accepted into the European Union, it would be open season for the criminal syndicates and their political allies, and a lot of people stood to become very wealthy. This was why the government was making superficial efforts to appear to be tackling corruption and economic crime, even if it stopped short of large-scale arrests and prosecutions, or the seizure of notable criminal assets.

Serbia was what is known as a captured political system: It was corrupt from the top down, and picking off the bottom-feeders did little to affect the big fish. Those big fish had decided that Musulin was surplus to requirements. It would be interesting, thought Radovan, to see who would take his place. It would not be Spiridon, though, whatever unspoken hopes he might entertain; his time had passed. The question of succession mattered only in terms of the ease or difficulty of brokering a deal with the new occupant of Musulin’s throne, and the extent to which the political forces that had facilitated Musulin’s murder were prepared to bend on the issue and form of the Vuksans’ survival.