Napoleon nodded. He appreciated his host’s directness. Talleyrand was clearly not one of those procrastinating politicians who were paralysing France. At first Napoleon had not been sure about including Talleyrand in his inner circle of friends and confidants, but Lucien had vouched for the foreign minister. Since arriving in Paris, soon after the armistice with Austria had been agreed, Lucien had quickly made some useful political connections. He had traded on his brother’s reputation and used his astute judgement to foster friendships in the salons of the capital. Napoleon had been away from Paris for nearly a year and a half and the shifting alliances meant that his understanding of the political scene was tenuous. For the present he must rely on Lucien’s word.

‘Very well,’ he began. ‘Let’s be blunt, gentlemen. France needs strong government. By that I mean a body of statesmen who can co-ordinate the policies necessary to guarantee that France is ruled efficiently, in peace and war. Even though we have defeated Austria, I have little doubt that our countries will be at war again in a matter of years.When that happens we cannot afford to have our military operations left to the whims of bungling amateurs. I would have beaten the enemy far more swiftly and conclusively if the Army of Italy had been properly supplied and reinforced. It occurred to me, more than once, that my efforts in Italy were being deliberately sabotaged by my political masters here in Paris.’

Deputy Foudrier cleared his throat. ‘That’s quite an accusation, General. Do you have any proof ?’

Napoleon shrugged. ‘No. But I know how men’s minds work. There are many senior officers who have been withdrawn from active service and would like nothing better than for me to fail. There are many politicians who resent having to show gratitude to those of us who saved them from the royalist uprising two years ago. Then there are those, like General Pichegru, who despise anyone who embraces Jacobin sentiments.’ Napoleon paused and patted his chest.‘I freely admit that I am proud of my Jacobin politics. The party is the true conscience of the revolution, and the best guarantee of its survival. Most of you are Jacobins. We shared the dangers when we stuck to our beliefs after the fall of Robespierre. That is why I can place my trust in you, my comrades.’

‘All of us, except our host,’ Foudrier cut in. ‘He had the good fortune to be safely abroad while we risked our necks.’

‘I was on diplomatic service,’Talleyrand replied evenly.‘I could not help that. But my sympathies were, and are, the same as yours. The difference is that I did not proclaim them from the rooftops and get myself arrested. That is why I am foreign minister today, and not a mere deputy, my dear Foudrier.’