Walking to the office from that meeting, I was confused, excited, exhilarated, doubtful; I was resolute and fearful. The question I was wrestling with was what to do with this information. If it was true—and boy, was that a big if—but if it was true and if we could prove it beyond any doubt, it would completely undermine the credibility of the administration. I didn’t kid myself, it wasn’t going to spark a great uprising. And this wasn’t Europe, it wouldn’t cause the government to collapse; our system isn’t structured that way, but it would inflict damage on the administration and give the opposition an issue around which we could make a stand. And it might cause our allies to take a good long look before reengaging with America.

The first decision I made was not to involve Howie. If the Pro published it, Homeland Security would declare us a “threat to national security” and close us down. They might even arrest Howie under the new sedition laws. That decision was easy. Whether or not to tell Jenny was the tough one. It was possible to view this as a test of my trust in her. To avoid having to make that decision, I reasoned it through and finally came up with a good enough excuse not to involve her: There was nothing she could do other than bring it to McDonnell, and just knowing about it and not alerting the government might put her in legal jeopardy. So for her own safety I did not tell her about it. Really.

Really, really.

Martha McDonnell was my only option. She had emerged as a leader of the dwindling opposition in Congress. That fact that there was little she could accomplish against the large majority from both parties who supported Wrightman actually provided her with a level of protection. The administration needed opposition in Congress to continue the charade that this country was still a functioning democracy.

“How do you know it’s accurate?” she asked, holding out her open bag of Cheetos to me. We were huddled in a quiet corner in an elementary school classroom waiting for the meeting to begin.

I waved it off. This was, I think, three, maybe four days after my meeting with Brain. That secret had been growing inside me and I was ready to burst. The same rationale I had used for not telling Jenny was applicable to members of the resistance: what they didn’t know couldn’t hurt them. But Martha could provide the outlet I needed. She had a reputation as a good listener and her previous career as a prosecutor had made her a deft questioner. But mostly she was a great politician. She had several gears and could shift effortlessly into whichever was needed to get to her destination. She could transition from a warm friend flattering a constituent to an incisive inquisitor in the time it took to exchange glances. She was respected in the House for being a loyal supporter or an honest enemy, and her harmless opposition to Wrightman was tolerated as Martha being Martha.